סרטוני סקס מבוגרות שיחות סקס בערבית

סרטוני סקס מבוגרות שיחות סקס בערבית

The WooRank score is a dynamic grade on a point scale that represents your Internet Marketing Effectiveness at a given time. Improve your score by working on the red and orange criteria in your Review. Check the green criteria to find out how your score is being positively affected. Gray criteria are notable, but do not affect your score.

Your HTML title tag appears in browser tabs, bookmarks and in search result pages. Make your title tags clear, concise characters and include your most important keywords.

Meta descriptions allow you to influence how your web pages are described and displayed in search results. A good description acts as a potential organic advertisement and encourages the viewer to click through to your site. Keep it short and to the point; the ideal meta description should contain between 70 and characters spaces included.

Ensure that each of your web pages have a unique, straightforward meta description that contains most important keywords. Eventually, we will all have to have that conversation, because this is no ordinary war. THIS Syrian disaster is like a superstorm. What happened, Aita explained, was that after Assad took over in he opened up the regulated agricultural sector in Syria for big farmers, many of them government cronies, to buy up land and drill as much water as they wanted, eventually severely diminishing the water table.

This began driving small farmers off the land into towns, where they had to scrounge for work. Because of the population explosion that started here in the s and s thanks to better health care, those leaving the countryside came with huge families and settled in towns around cities like Aleppo.

Some of those small towns swelled from 2, people to , in a decade or so. The government failed to provide proper schools, jobs or services for this youth bulge, which hit its teens and 20s right when the revolution erupted.

And with Assad doing nothing to help the drought refugees, a lot of very simple farmers and their kids got politicized. Young people and farmers starved for jobs — and land starved for water — were a prescription for revolution.

Just ask those who were here, starting with Faten, whom I met in her simple flat in Sanliurfa, a Turkish city near the Syrian border. Faten, 38, a Sunni, fled there with her son Mohammed, 19, a member of the Free Syrian Army, who was badly wounded in a firefight a few months ago. Raised in the northeastern Syrian farming village of Mohasen, Faten, who asked me not to use her last name, told me her story. We had wheat, barley and everyday food — vegetables, cucumbers, anything we could plant instead of buying in the market.

Thank God there were rains, and the harvests were very good before. And then suddenly, the drought happened. What did it look like? We had to solve our problems ourselves. So what did you do? I got a government job as a nurse, and my husband opened a shop. The majority of people left the village and went to the city to find jobs, anything to make a living to eat.

But drought refugees, virtually all of whom were Sunni Muslims, could only dream of getting hired there. The best jobs on our lands in our province were not for us, but for people who come from outside. A former cotton farmer who had to become a smuggler to make ends meet for his 16 children after the drought wiped out their farm, he is now the Free Syrian Army commander in the Tel Abyad area.

We met at a crushed Syrian Army checkpoint. After being introduced by our Syrian go-between, Abu Khalil, who was built like a tough little boxer, introduced me to his fighting unit. He did not introduce them by rank but by blood, pointing to each of the armed men around him and saying: Free Syrian Army units are often family affairs.

Nasif typifies the secular, connected, newly urbanized young people who spearheaded the democracy uprisings here and in Egypt, Yemen and Tunisia. They all have two things in common: If this new generation had a motto, noted Aita, the Syrian economist, it would actually be the same one Syrians used in their war of independence from France: But Nasif is torn right now.

So every option worries her — more war, a cease-fire, the present and the future. This is the agony of Syria today — and why the closer you get to it, the less certain you are how to fix it.

I heard a report on this Saturday 25th may on Reshet Bet. North Korea built a small nuclear arsenal for two reasons: These hard-liners never want to see an American embassy in Tehran. But Iran is not North Korea. The decision to re-enter negotiations is a clear signal that crucial players there do not think the status quo — crushing sanctions — is viable for them anymore.

Because they are not North Korea, the sanctions are now threatening them with discontent from the inside. Are they ready to sacrifice a single powerful weapon to become again a powerful country — to be more like a China, a half-friend, half-enemy, half-trading partner, half-geo-political rival to America, rather than a full-time opponent?

This is what we have to test. Joint Chiefs of Staff. Secretary General Kofi Annan: No, this is not ideal. But then few thought China could either. Secretary of State John Kerry has the right attitude: When the Ottoman Empire collapsed as a result of its defeat in World War I, the colonial powers Britain and France were right there, for their own interests, to impose their own order on the diverse tribes, sects and religions that make up the Arab East.

When the British and French left after World War II, they handed power, in many cases, to monarchs, who, in many cases, gave way to generals, who, in all cases, kept their diverse populations in line with iron fists. But, now, the Ottomans are gone, the colonial powers are gone and even the iron-fisted generals are gone. Can the people in these countries who for so long have been governed vertically — from the top down — now govern themselves horizontally by writing their own social contracts for how to live together as equal citizens with regular rotations in power and without iron fists from above.

When President Obama says he plans to arm the anti-Bashar Assad rebels in Syria, this is the vortex into which he is inserting America. It is still unclear to me where the president is going with Syria, but I see only three possible strategies: In the long run, though, this strategy most likely would lead to the partition of Syria into an Alawite zone along the coast, a Kurdish zone in the northeast and a Sunni zone in the rest.

We or NATO would have to have boots on the ground to help them topple Assad and then stay for years to keep the warring parties from murdering each other, to suppress the violent extremists in each community and to help the moderates write and implement a new social contract for how to live together. Those who want a unified, multisectarian and democratic Syria, a noble goal, need to be honest about what it would take to achieve that from where we are now.

It would take another Iraq-scale intervention — something we did not do well, and which very few Americans would vote to repeat. Our debate about Libya has been focused entirely on the sacking of our facility in Benghazi, but the proper debate should be about why there was — and remains — such a security vacuum in eastern Libya in the first place.

The transition government has not been strong enough to bring order to Libya, and the instability there has metastasized. The good news is that moderate Libyans have pushed back against their lawless tribal and jihadist militias, but without outside help it is an uphill struggle.

Even if by some miracle that were to happen, so much more blood would be spilled along the way that we would still need an international peacekeeping force to referee any post-Assad power-sharing deal. All volunteers, please raise your hand. Those are the options as I see it.

None feel very good because those in Syria who are truly fighting for a democratic outcome are incredibly brave, but weak and divided. Fighting for democratic values — rather than for family, sect, tribe or Shariah — is still a new thing for these societies. Those who are fighting for a sectarian or Islamist outcome, though, are full of energy and well financed.

Proving Churchill at least half-right, we have foolishly ignored immigration reform for years. Yet it appears that brain-dead House Republicans and their pusillanimous leadership are not inclined to do the right thing and pass a similar bill. That is how a great country becomes un-great. Many House Republicans are resistant to a bill because they come from gerrymandered districts dominated by older white people who have a knee-jerk resistance to immigration reform — borne of fears of job-loss to illegal immigrants and a broader anxiety about the changing color and demographics in America.

And rather than trying to defuse those fears by putting the immigration bill into the larger context in which it belongs, a critical mass of House Republicans seems committed to fanning them. What world are we living in today? We are living in a world with at least five competing market platforms: And, if we were thinking strategically, one of our top foreign policy priorities would be to further integrate North America. I wonder how many Americans know that we sell twice as many exports to Mexico as to China, and we export more than twice as much to Mexico and Canada as to the European Union and three times as much as we do to East Asia.

And, with the discovery of natural gas in America leading to more manufacturing returning to this country, and the prospect of pending energy reform in Mexico, there is an opportunity to create the lowest-cost, clean-energy manufacturing platform in the world, with mutually beneficial supply chains crisscrossing the continent.

To enhance such a win-win growth strategy that would incentivize more Mexicans to stay home, we should be investing in a major expansion of transportation corridors to facilitate truck, intermodal including shipping and high-speed rail and human traffic in a much more efficient and legal fashion. A Vision of a Continental Future.

By focusing exclusively on fences, we will not stop undocumented immigration — because 40 percent of illegal residents are people who overstayed their visas — but we will fail to invest in the infrastructure that represents a critical foundation for our future. Watching the toppling of the Muslim Brotherhood-led government in Egypt, the most interesting question for me is this: Will we one day look back at this moment as the beginning of the rollback of political Islam?

Again, it would be premature to say that this era of political Islam is over, but it is definitely time to say that the more moderate, non-Islamist, political center has started to push back on these Islamist parties and that citizens all across this region are feeling both more empowered and impatient.

The fact that this pushback in Egypt involved the overthrow of an elected government by the Egyptian army has to give you pause; it puts a huge burden on that army — and those who encouraged it — to act in a more democratic fashion than those they replaced. But this was a truly unusual situation.

Why did it come about and where might Egypt go from here? To understand the massive outpouring of grassroots opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood, which spurred the Egyptian army to evict President Mohamed Morsi from office on his first anniversary of taking power, it is best to avoid the language of politics — Was it an army coup?

Was it a popular revolt? Morsi narrowly won the Presidency by 51 percent of the vote because he managed to persuade many secular and pious but non-Islamist Egyptians that he would govern from the center, focus on the economy and be inclusive.

The Muslim Brotherhood never could have won 51 percent with just its base alone. Many centrist Egyptian urban elites chose to vote for Morsi because they could not bring themselves to vote for his opponent, Ahmed Shafik, a holdover from the regime of Hosni Mubarak. So they talked themselves into believing what Morsi was telling them. As it gradually became apparent that Morsi, whenever he had a choice of acting in an inclusive manner — and pulling in all sectors of Egyptian society — or grabbing more power, would grab more power, a huge chunk of Morsi voters, Islamists and non-Islamist, started to feel cheated by him.

They felt that he and his party had stolen something very valuable — their long sought chance to really put Egypt on a democratic course, with more equal growth. Meanwhile, the rural and urban poor resented the fact that instead of delivering jobs and bread, as promised, Morsi delivered gas lines and electricity cuts. The thief was calling Unfortunately for him the Egyptian Army answered.

Its leaders had already been called by a significant swath of the Egyptian people, so it is now Morsi who finds himself in custody. Historians will surely ponder over why the Muslim Brotherhood behaved so foolishly.

The short answer seems to be that character is destiny. It has always been a Leninist-like party, with a very strict hierarchy and a conspiratorial view of political life honed from long years in the underground. It is to say that he made it easy for them to turn the Egyptian people against him.

Meanwhile, the Obama Administration was largely a spectator to all of this. The Muslim Brotherhood kept Washington at bay by buying it off with the same old currency that Mubarak used: Two critical questions now hang over Egypt: Egypt will never be stable unless it has a government that represents all the main political forces in the country -- and that still includes the Muslim Brotherhood, which probably still enjoys support from at least 25 percent of the voting public.

It has to be part of any new government. But the Egyptian Army has detained many Muslim Brotherhood activists today. And will the Egyptian army, which has its own vast network of economic interests that it is focused on protecting, open itself up to any reforms? Inclusion can be paralyzing or powerful, depending on whether everyone included can agree on a roadmap going forward. Egypt today is in such a yawning and deep economic hole.

It has wasted so many years of development. Can its main political actors including the Army reach a democratic consensus on the wrenching set of economic, security and political reforms required to set Egypt on a growth trajectory, or can they only agree that the latest president must go? March 27, Thomas L. Most of its members are Pashtuns, not Arabs.

Get used to it. This tension is not going away. Obama will have to lead through it. The rise of the Islamic State, also known as ISIS, is triggering some long overdue, brutally honest, soul-searching by Arabs and Muslims about how such a large, murderous Sunni death cult could have emerged in their midst. Arab civilization, such as we knew it, is all but gone. The Arab world today is more violent, unstable, fragmented and driven by extremism — the extremism of the rulers and those in opposition — than at any time since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire a century ago.

The jihadists of the Islamic State, in other words, did not emerge from nowhere. They climbed out of a rotting, empty hulk — what was left of a broken-down civilization.

They all embrace the same anti-pluralistic, puritanical Wahhabi Sunni ideology that Saudi Arabia diffused, at home and abroad, to the mosques that nurtured ISIS. Our media and education systems are liable for the monster we helped create.

We need to teach our children how to learn from our mistakes instead of how to master the art of denial. When our educators and journalists start to understand the significance of individual rights, and admit that we have failed to be citizens, then we can start hoping for freedom, even if it is achieved slowly.

Nurturing this soul-searching is a vital — and smart — part of the Obama strategy. In committing America to an air-campaign-only against ISIS targets in Syria and Iraq, Obama has declared that the ground war will have to be fought by Arabs and Muslims, not just because this is their war and they should take the brunt of the casualties, but because the very act of their organizing themselves across Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish lines — the very act of overcoming their debilitating sectarian and political differences that would be required to defeat ISIS on the ground — is the necessary ingredient for creating any kind of decent, consensual government that could replace ISIS in any self-sustaining way.

Video Play Video 3: This is an excerpt of a full video interview coming this weekend. The Tea Party can claim the other half. The United States is not going to be the air force of Iraqi Shiites or any other faction.

This is an excerpt of his full video interview with Thomas L. Friedman coming this weekend. At the end of the day, the president mused, the biggest threat to America — the only force that can really weaken us — is us. No victor, no vanquished and work together. President Obama talks to Thomas L. This is an excerpt of the full interview coming this weekend. And the more diverse the country is, the less it can afford to take maximalist positions.

While he blamed the rise of the Republican far right for extinguishing so many potential compromises, Obama also acknowledged that gerrymandering, the Balkanization of the news media and uncontrolled money in politics — the guts of our political system today — are sapping our ability to face big challenges together, more than any foreign enemy.

The fact is, said the president, in Iraq a residual U. Absent their will to do that, our troops sooner or later would have been caught in the crossfire, he argued. This idea that we could provide some light arms or even more sophisticated arms to what was essentially an opposition made up of former doctors, farmers, pharmacists and so forth, and that they were going to be able to battle not only a well-armed state but also a well-armed state backed by Russia, backed by Iran, a battle-hardened Hezbollah, that was never in the cards.

Even now, the president said, the administration has difficulty finding, training and arming a sufficient cadre of secular Syrian rebels: Unless we can give them a formula that speaks to the aspirations of that population, we are inevitably going to have problems. Is Iran being helpful? You want percent, and the notion that the winner really does take all, all the spoils.

President Obama on how the United States is a different sort of superpower from China. This is an excerpt of a full video interview by Thomas L. When it comes to things like corruption, the people and their leaders have to hold themselves accountable for changing those cultures We can help them and partner with them every step of the way.

It is tolerant of other sects and other religions in a way that we would like to see elsewhere. All we have to do is let the Americans bail us out again. And we can go about business as usual. The president said that what he is telling every faction in Iraq is: That you are willing to continue to build a nonsectarian, functional security force that is answerable to a civilian government.

We do have a strategic interest in pushing back ISIL. I asked the president whether he was worried about Israel. I think the question really is how does Israel survive. And how can you create a State of Israel that maintains its democratic and civic traditions. How can you preserve a Jewish state that is also reflective of the best values of those who founded Israel. And, in order to do that, it has consistently been my belief that you have to find a way to live side by side in peace with Palestinians.

You have to recognize that they have legitimate claims, and this is their land and neighborhood as well. In some ways, Bibi is too strong [and] in some ways Abu Mazen is too weak to bring them together and make the kinds of bold decisions that Sadat or Begin or Rabin were willing to make.

Muammar el-Qaddafi, but not organize any sufficient international follow-on assistance on the ground to help them build institutions. Whether it is getting back into Iraq or newly into Syria, the question that Obama keeps coming back to is: I absolutely believed that it was the right thing to do. And so there would be more death, more disruption, more destruction. Do we have an answer [for] the day after?

If Obama did that, what would he be ignoring? To defeat ISIS you have to address the context out of which it emerged. And that is the three civil wars raging in the Arab world today: When you have a region beset by that many civil wars at once, it means there is no center, only sides. And when you intervene in the middle of a region with no center, you very quickly become a side. ISIS emerged as an extreme expression of resentment by one side: Without it, though, the dominant philosophy is either: The Times article noted: The former general had appealed months earlier to rejoin the Iraqi Army, but the official had refused.

Third, our allies are not fully allies: While the Saudi, Qatari and Kuwaiti governments are pro-American, wealthy Sunni individuals, mosques and charities in these countries are huge sources of funds, and fighters, for ISIS.

It is a sick, destabilizing movement. I support using U. Continue reading the main story. Continue reading the main story Share This Page Continue reading the main story. Continue reading the main story Continue reading the main story. THE United States is swamped by refugee children from collapsing Central American countries; efforts to contain the major Ebola outbreak in West Africa are straining governments there; jihadists have carved out a bloodthirsty caliphate inside Iraq and Syria; after having already eaten Crimea, Russia keeps taking more bites out of Ukraine; and the U.

Three big trends are converging. That may sound odd. Such values-based legal systems and institutions are just what so many societies have failed to build after overthrowing their autocrats.

The biggest challenge for the world of order today is collaborating to contain these vacuums and fill them with order. That is what President Obama is trying to do in Iraq, by demanding Iraqis build a sustainable inclusive government in tandem with any U.

סרטוני סקס מבוגרות שיחות סקס בערבית Only Republicans can delegitimize the nihilistic madness at the base of their party. Unless we can give them a formula that speaks to the aspirations of that population, we are inevitably going to have problems. There is a lot of truth in. Posted by samc at 3: Now even Turkey ישבנים בחוטיני ישבנים יפים in turmoil as its people push back on their increasingly autocratic leader. It is still unclear to me where the president is going with Syria, but I see only three possible strategies: Because of the population explosion that started here in the s and s thanks to better health care, those leaving the countryside came with huge families and settled in towns around cities like Aleppo.

Improve your score by working on the red and orange criteria in your Review. Check the green criteria to find out how your score is being positively affected. Gray criteria are notable, but do not affect your score. Your HTML title tag appears in browser tabs, bookmarks and in search result pages. Make your title tags clear, concise characters and include your most important keywords. Meta descriptions allow you to influence how your web pages are described and displayed in search results.

A good description acts as a potential organic advertisement and encourages the viewer to click through to your site. Keep it short and to the point; the ideal meta description should contain between 70 and characters spaces included. Ensure that each of your web pages have a unique, straightforward meta description that contains most important keywords.

Never duplicate your title tag content in your header tag. When the British and French left after World War II, they handed power, in many cases, to monarchs, who, in many cases, gave way to generals, who, in all cases, kept their diverse populations in line with iron fists. But, now, the Ottomans are gone, the colonial powers are gone and even the iron-fisted generals are gone.

Can the people in these countries who for so long have been governed vertically — from the top down — now govern themselves horizontally by writing their own social contracts for how to live together as equal citizens with regular rotations in power and without iron fists from above. When President Obama says he plans to arm the anti-Bashar Assad rebels in Syria, this is the vortex into which he is inserting America.

It is still unclear to me where the president is going with Syria, but I see only three possible strategies: In the long run, though, this strategy most likely would lead to the partition of Syria into an Alawite zone along the coast, a Kurdish zone in the northeast and a Sunni zone in the rest.

We or NATO would have to have boots on the ground to help them topple Assad and then stay for years to keep the warring parties from murdering each other, to suppress the violent extremists in each community and to help the moderates write and implement a new social contract for how to live together.

Those who want a unified, multisectarian and democratic Syria, a noble goal, need to be honest about what it would take to achieve that from where we are now. It would take another Iraq-scale intervention — something we did not do well, and which very few Americans would vote to repeat.

Our debate about Libya has been focused entirely on the sacking of our facility in Benghazi, but the proper debate should be about why there was — and remains — such a security vacuum in eastern Libya in the first place. The transition government has not been strong enough to bring order to Libya, and the instability there has metastasized.

The good news is that moderate Libyans have pushed back against their lawless tribal and jihadist militias, but without outside help it is an uphill struggle. Even if by some miracle that were to happen, so much more blood would be spilled along the way that we would still need an international peacekeeping force to referee any post-Assad power-sharing deal.

All volunteers, please raise your hand. Those are the options as I see it. None feel very good because those in Syria who are truly fighting for a democratic outcome are incredibly brave, but weak and divided.

Fighting for democratic values — rather than for family, sect, tribe or Shariah — is still a new thing for these societies. Those who are fighting for a sectarian or Islamist outcome, though, are full of energy and well financed. Proving Churchill at least half-right, we have foolishly ignored immigration reform for years. Yet it appears that brain-dead House Republicans and their pusillanimous leadership are not inclined to do the right thing and pass a similar bill.

That is how a great country becomes un-great. Many House Republicans are resistant to a bill because they come from gerrymandered districts dominated by older white people who have a knee-jerk resistance to immigration reform — borne of fears of job-loss to illegal immigrants and a broader anxiety about the changing color and demographics in America.

And rather than trying to defuse those fears by putting the immigration bill into the larger context in which it belongs, a critical mass of House Republicans seems committed to fanning them.

What world are we living in today? We are living in a world with at least five competing market platforms: And, if we were thinking strategically, one of our top foreign policy priorities would be to further integrate North America. I wonder how many Americans know that we sell twice as many exports to Mexico as to China, and we export more than twice as much to Mexico and Canada as to the European Union and three times as much as we do to East Asia.

And, with the discovery of natural gas in America leading to more manufacturing returning to this country, and the prospect of pending energy reform in Mexico, there is an opportunity to create the lowest-cost, clean-energy manufacturing platform in the world, with mutually beneficial supply chains crisscrossing the continent. To enhance such a win-win growth strategy that would incentivize more Mexicans to stay home, we should be investing in a major expansion of transportation corridors to facilitate truck, intermodal including shipping and high-speed rail and human traffic in a much more efficient and legal fashion.

A Vision of a Continental Future. By focusing exclusively on fences, we will not stop undocumented immigration — because 40 percent of illegal residents are people who overstayed their visas — but we will fail to invest in the infrastructure that represents a critical foundation for our future. Watching the toppling of the Muslim Brotherhood-led government in Egypt, the most interesting question for me is this: Will we one day look back at this moment as the beginning of the rollback of political Islam?

Again, it would be premature to say that this era of political Islam is over, but it is definitely time to say that the more moderate, non-Islamist, political center has started to push back on these Islamist parties and that citizens all across this region are feeling both more empowered and impatient. The fact that this pushback in Egypt involved the overthrow of an elected government by the Egyptian army has to give you pause; it puts a huge burden on that army — and those who encouraged it — to act in a more democratic fashion than those they replaced.

But this was a truly unusual situation. Why did it come about and where might Egypt go from here? To understand the massive outpouring of grassroots opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood, which spurred the Egyptian army to evict President Mohamed Morsi from office on his first anniversary of taking power, it is best to avoid the language of politics — Was it an army coup?

Was it a popular revolt? Morsi narrowly won the Presidency by 51 percent of the vote because he managed to persuade many secular and pious but non-Islamist Egyptians that he would govern from the center, focus on the economy and be inclusive. The Muslim Brotherhood never could have won 51 percent with just its base alone.

Many centrist Egyptian urban elites chose to vote for Morsi because they could not bring themselves to vote for his opponent, Ahmed Shafik, a holdover from the regime of Hosni Mubarak. So they talked themselves into believing what Morsi was telling them. As it gradually became apparent that Morsi, whenever he had a choice of acting in an inclusive manner — and pulling in all sectors of Egyptian society — or grabbing more power, would grab more power, a huge chunk of Morsi voters, Islamists and non-Islamist, started to feel cheated by him.

They felt that he and his party had stolen something very valuable — their long sought chance to really put Egypt on a democratic course, with more equal growth. Meanwhile, the rural and urban poor resented the fact that instead of delivering jobs and bread, as promised, Morsi delivered gas lines and electricity cuts.

The thief was calling Unfortunately for him the Egyptian Army answered. Its leaders had already been called by a significant swath of the Egyptian people, so it is now Morsi who finds himself in custody. Historians will surely ponder over why the Muslim Brotherhood behaved so foolishly. The short answer seems to be that character is destiny. It has always been a Leninist-like party, with a very strict hierarchy and a conspiratorial view of political life honed from long years in the underground.

It is to say that he made it easy for them to turn the Egyptian people against him. Meanwhile, the Obama Administration was largely a spectator to all of this.

The Muslim Brotherhood kept Washington at bay by buying it off with the same old currency that Mubarak used: Two critical questions now hang over Egypt: Egypt will never be stable unless it has a government that represents all the main political forces in the country -- and that still includes the Muslim Brotherhood, which probably still enjoys support from at least 25 percent of the voting public.

It has to be part of any new government. But the Egyptian Army has detained many Muslim Brotherhood activists today. And will the Egyptian army, which has its own vast network of economic interests that it is focused on protecting, open itself up to any reforms?

Inclusion can be paralyzing or powerful, depending on whether everyone included can agree on a roadmap going forward. Egypt today is in such a yawning and deep economic hole. It has wasted so many years of development. Can its main political actors including the Army reach a democratic consensus on the wrenching set of economic, security and political reforms required to set Egypt on a growth trajectory, or can they only agree that the latest president must go? March 27, Thomas L.

Most of its members are Pashtuns, not Arabs. Get used to it. This tension is not going away. Obama will have to lead through it. The rise of the Islamic State, also known as ISIS, is triggering some long overdue, brutally honest, soul-searching by Arabs and Muslims about how such a large, murderous Sunni death cult could have emerged in their midst.

Arab civilization, such as we knew it, is all but gone. The Arab world today is more violent, unstable, fragmented and driven by extremism — the extremism of the rulers and those in opposition — than at any time since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire a century ago.

The jihadists of the Islamic State, in other words, did not emerge from nowhere. They climbed out of a rotting, empty hulk — what was left of a broken-down civilization.

They all embrace the same anti-pluralistic, puritanical Wahhabi Sunni ideology that Saudi Arabia diffused, at home and abroad, to the mosques that nurtured ISIS. Our media and education systems are liable for the monster we helped create. We need to teach our children how to learn from our mistakes instead of how to master the art of denial. When our educators and journalists start to understand the significance of individual rights, and admit that we have failed to be citizens, then we can start hoping for freedom, even if it is achieved slowly.

Nurturing this soul-searching is a vital — and smart — part of the Obama strategy. In committing America to an air-campaign-only against ISIS targets in Syria and Iraq, Obama has declared that the ground war will have to be fought by Arabs and Muslims, not just because this is their war and they should take the brunt of the casualties, but because the very act of their organizing themselves across Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish lines — the very act of overcoming their debilitating sectarian and political differences that would be required to defeat ISIS on the ground — is the necessary ingredient for creating any kind of decent, consensual government that could replace ISIS in any self-sustaining way.

Video Play Video 3: This is an excerpt of a full video interview coming this weekend. The Tea Party can claim the other half. The United States is not going to be the air force of Iraqi Shiites or any other faction. This is an excerpt of his full video interview with Thomas L. Friedman coming this weekend. At the end of the day, the president mused, the biggest threat to America — the only force that can really weaken us — is us. No victor, no vanquished and work together.

President Obama talks to Thomas L. This is an excerpt of the full interview coming this weekend. And the more diverse the country is, the less it can afford to take maximalist positions.

While he blamed the rise of the Republican far right for extinguishing so many potential compromises, Obama also acknowledged that gerrymandering, the Balkanization of the news media and uncontrolled money in politics — the guts of our political system today — are sapping our ability to face big challenges together, more than any foreign enemy.

The fact is, said the president, in Iraq a residual U. Absent their will to do that, our troops sooner or later would have been caught in the crossfire, he argued. This idea that we could provide some light arms or even more sophisticated arms to what was essentially an opposition made up of former doctors, farmers, pharmacists and so forth, and that they were going to be able to battle not only a well-armed state but also a well-armed state backed by Russia, backed by Iran, a battle-hardened Hezbollah, that was never in the cards.

Even now, the president said, the administration has difficulty finding, training and arming a sufficient cadre of secular Syrian rebels: Unless we can give them a formula that speaks to the aspirations of that population, we are inevitably going to have problems.

Is Iran being helpful? You want percent, and the notion that the winner really does take all, all the spoils. President Obama on how the United States is a different sort of superpower from China. This is an excerpt of a full video interview by Thomas L. When it comes to things like corruption, the people and their leaders have to hold themselves accountable for changing those cultures We can help them and partner with them every step of the way.

It is tolerant of other sects and other religions in a way that we would like to see elsewhere. All we have to do is let the Americans bail us out again. And we can go about business as usual. The president said that what he is telling every faction in Iraq is: That you are willing to continue to build a nonsectarian, functional security force that is answerable to a civilian government.

We do have a strategic interest in pushing back ISIL. I asked the president whether he was worried about Israel. I think the question really is how does Israel survive. And how can you create a State of Israel that maintains its democratic and civic traditions. How can you preserve a Jewish state that is also reflective of the best values of those who founded Israel. And, in order to do that, it has consistently been my belief that you have to find a way to live side by side in peace with Palestinians.

You have to recognize that they have legitimate claims, and this is their land and neighborhood as well. In some ways, Bibi is too strong [and] in some ways Abu Mazen is too weak to bring them together and make the kinds of bold decisions that Sadat or Begin or Rabin were willing to make. Muammar el-Qaddafi, but not organize any sufficient international follow-on assistance on the ground to help them build institutions.

Whether it is getting back into Iraq or newly into Syria, the question that Obama keeps coming back to is: I absolutely believed that it was the right thing to do. And so there would be more death, more disruption, more destruction. Do we have an answer [for] the day after? If Obama did that, what would he be ignoring? To defeat ISIS you have to address the context out of which it emerged. And that is the three civil wars raging in the Arab world today: When you have a region beset by that many civil wars at once, it means there is no center, only sides.

And when you intervene in the middle of a region with no center, you very quickly become a side. ISIS emerged as an extreme expression of resentment by one side: Without it, though, the dominant philosophy is either: The Times article noted: The former general had appealed months earlier to rejoin the Iraqi Army, but the official had refused.

Third, our allies are not fully allies: While the Saudi, Qatari and Kuwaiti governments are pro-American, wealthy Sunni individuals, mosques and charities in these countries are huge sources of funds, and fighters, for ISIS. It is a sick, destabilizing movement. I support using U. Continue reading the main story. Continue reading the main story Share This Page Continue reading the main story.

Continue reading the main story Continue reading the main story. THE United States is swamped by refugee children from collapsing Central American countries; efforts to contain the major Ebola outbreak in West Africa are straining governments there; jihadists have carved out a bloodthirsty caliphate inside Iraq and Syria; after having already eaten Crimea, Russia keeps taking more bites out of Ukraine; and the U.

Three big trends are converging. That may sound odd. Such values-based legal systems and institutions are just what so many societies have failed to build after overthrowing their autocrats. The biggest challenge for the world of order today is collaborating to contain these vacuums and fill them with order. That is what President Obama is trying to do in Iraq, by demanding Iraqis build a sustainable inclusive government in tandem with any U.

Otherwise, there will never be self-sustaining order there, and they will never be truly free. Which leads to the second disturbing trend today: Now add a third trend, and you can really get worried: America is the tent pole holding up the whole world of order.

But our inability to agree on policies that would ensure our long-term economic vitality — an immigration bill that would ease the way for energetic and talented immigrants; a revenue-neutral carbon tax that would replace income and corporate taxes; and government borrowing at these low rates to rebuild our infrastructure and create jobs, while gradually phasing in long-term fiscal rebalancing — is the definition of shortsighted.

The Cold War involved two competing visions of order. Preserving and expanding the world of sustainable order is the leadership challenge of our time.

Or is it something deeper? I was discussing this core question with Nader Mousavizadeh, a former senior United Nations official and the co-founder of Macro Advisory Partners, a geopolitical advisory firm, and he offered another framework: There is a lot of truth in that.

The sectarian and nationalist fires you see burning around the Middle East are not as natural and inevitable as you may think. It worked, and now Assad presents himself as the defender of a secular Syria against Sunni fanatics. The minute America left Iraq, he deliberately arrested Sunni leaders, deprived them of budgets and stopped paying the Sunni tribesmen who rose up against Al Qaeda.

The Palestinian extremists who recently kidnapped three Israeli youths were arsonists, aiming to blow up any hope of restarting Israeli-Palestinian peace talks and to embarrass Palestinian moderates.

But they had help. Radical Jewish settler supporters in the Israeli cabinet, like Naftali Bennett and housing minister Uri Ariel, are arsonists. It is hard for people who have not lived in the Arab world to appreciate that Shiites and Sunnis in places like Iraq, Lebanon or Bahrain often intermarry. Majorities in all countries oppose any form of U. I recently gave the commencement address at the American University of Iraq, Sulaimani, in Kurdistan.

Its student body is 70 percent Kurdish, and the rest are mostly Shiites and Sunnis from across Iraq. With the right leadership, people in the region can and do get along.

It is why for all the talk of breaking Iraq into three parts, it is has never been the preferred choice of most Iraqis. You actually have to work at burning them up. To be sure, harmony between different sects requires order, but it does not have to be iron-fisted. Iraqis just last April held fair elections on their own. They can do it.

That requires the right leadership. Are you an arsonist or are you a firefighter? The past month has presented the world with what the Israeli analyst Orit Perlov describes as the two dominant Arab governing models: Both have failed and will continue to fail — and require coercion to stay in power — because they cannot deliver for young Arabs and Muslims what they need most: The situation is not totally bleak.

You have two emergent models, both frail and neither perfect, where Muslim Middle East nations have built decent, democratizing governance, based on society and with some political, cultural and religious pluralism: Again both are works in progress, but what is important is that they did emerge from the societies themselves. You also have the relatively soft monarchies — like Jordan and Morocco — that are at least experimenting at the margins with more participatory governance, allow for some opposition and do not rule with the brutality of the secular autocrats.

And results can only come from policies of inclusion , that would give all forces a stake in the system, thereby producing stability, checks and balances, and ultimately prosperity. ISIS and Sisi cannot win. Unfortunately, it might take exhausting all other options before a critical mass is developed that internalizes this basic fact.

That is the challenge of the new generation in the Arab world, where 70 percent of the population is under 30 years of age. The old generation, secular or religious, seems to have learned nothing from the failure of the postindependence era to achieve sustainable development, and the danger of exclusionist policies.

Indeed, the Iraq founded in is gone with the wind. The new Egypt imagined in Tahrir Square is stillborn. Too many leaders and followers in both societies seem intent on giving their failed ideas of the past another spin around the block before, hopefully, they opt for the only idea that works: This could take a while, or not. We tend to make every story about us. But this is not all about us.

But we also helped open their doors to a different future, which their leaders have slammed shut for now. Going forward, where we see people truly committed to pluralism, we should help support them.

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